POLSCI 240 / PSY 225: Political Psychology
March 17, 2025
The core ideas of spatial theories of voting are:
To build a spatial theory of voting, we need:
1-dimensional, left-right representation
2-dimensional
Others that might constitute a third (or higher) dimension: foreign policy, trade, immigration, electoral law, democracy…
Proximity voting says: “the value of an alternative is decreasing in spatial distance”
But what is “distance” and how exactly does utility decrease as distance increases?
There are three important considerations to think about with respect to measuring proximity:
If a voter cares about one dimension more than another, this is like multiplying the distances on the more important dimension by a factor greater than 1
The relative importance of dimensions can potentially be manipulated (e.g., agenda-setting)
Voters make trade-offs across dimensions
We say that preferences are non-separable when the value of positions on one dimension depend on the other dimension
This is another kind of “dimension-stretching” but along the diagonals, instead of just up-down and left-right
\[ \sqrt{(\boldsymbol{\text{V}} - \boldsymbol{\text{P}})' \mathbf{A} (\boldsymbol{\text{V}} - \boldsymbol{\text{P}})} \]
\(\boldsymbol{\text{V}}\) is the voter’s (vector-valued) position in space
\(\boldsymbol{\text{P}}\) is the party’s (vector-valued) position in space
\(\mathbf{A}\) is a matrix and is the metric for the space: it defines how distances are measured
\[ \mathbf{A} = \begin{pmatrix} 1 & 0.5 \\ 0.5 & 1 \end{pmatrix} \]
Distance alone is not enough to make a decision
An important consideration in choosing a function concerns the marginal returns to utility as a function of distance
\[ U(\text{P}_1) = - \left( \sqrt{(\boldsymbol{\text{V}} - \boldsymbol{\text{P}_1})' \mathbf{A} (\boldsymbol{\text{V}} - \boldsymbol{\text{P}_1})} \right)^2 = - (\boldsymbol{\text{V}} - \boldsymbol{\text{P}_1})' \mathbf{A} (\boldsymbol{\text{V}} - \boldsymbol{\text{P}_1}) \]
\[ U(\text{P}_2) = - \left( \sqrt{(\boldsymbol{\text{V}} - \boldsymbol{\text{P}_2})' \mathbf{A} (\boldsymbol{\text{V}} - \boldsymbol{\text{P}_2})} \right)^2 = - (\boldsymbol{\text{V}} - \boldsymbol{\text{P}_2})' \mathbf{A} (\boldsymbol{\text{V}} - \boldsymbol{\text{P}_2}) \]
Decision rule: Choose party (\(\text{P}_1\) or \(\text{P}_2\)) that has higher utility
The standard proximity spatial model captures important aspects of political psychology and party competition:
Highly intuitive! Vote for candidates “close” to you
Political discourse is often abstract and ideological (e.g., liberal, conservative, moderate, “far left”, “extreme right”)
Proximity model predicts a centripetal tendency toward the median voter (e.g., median primary voter, general election voter, etc.)
Helps to understand strategic aspects of party competition
The standard proximity spatial model also seems to miss some important things about party competition and citizens’ thinking about politics
Parties don’t converge to the median voter completely, and polarization is increasing in some places
There is little to no role for the status quo in the standard proximity model
What an elected official or party can accomplish in office is constrained by time and institutions: shouldn’t we discount candidates’ claims about their positions?
The core idea is that voters move candidate/party positions closer to the status quo (SQ) and then vote on these “shadow” positions
How far they move candidates depends on a discount factor: a number between 0 and 1
The more citizens discount toward the status quo, the more incentive there is for candidates to push their rhetoric in extreme directions to ensure their shadow points line up with their targeted voters
Imagine we have one voter choosing between two candidates, the SQ is at 0.0, and a discount factor of 0.50
Directional spatial voting models begin with similar observations: much of political discourse is about movement away from the status quo in one direction or another
Citizens heavily discount politicians’ claims about what they can accomplish
But they have a preference, of varying intensity, for moving policy either in a left- or right-wing direction
But they are worried about candidates’ credibility: will they actually be willing and able to move policy in the direction desired?
Utility is simply the product of the voter’s point relative to the status quo and the candidate’s point relative to the status quo
In the standard directional model, the utility of a candidate for a voter is the dot product (vector product) of their positions in space:
\[ \begin{align} \text{U}(\text{V}) &= \text{V} \cdot \text{C} \\ &= \cos \angle (\text{V}, \text{C}) ||\text{V}|| ||\text{C}|| \end{align} \]
where:
Utility is simply the dot product of the voter’s point relative to the status quo and the candidate’s point relative to the status quo
Advantages
One possible implication of directional models is that public opinion is thermostatic
Disadvantages
Proximity really does seem to matter! People say so all the time
Is this the best model for capturing “identity”-related considerations?
The discounting model can potentially capture the intuitions of directional models without losing the basic idea of proximity
Discounting remains a proximity model at heart: people want to elect candidates that produce policies “close” to their ideal points
But they are also skeptical that individual politicians or parties, in short periods of time, can change policy drastically
The more heavily voters discount candidates’ positions, the more the discounting model looks like a directional model